China: Policy and perspective Cultural Revolution
[00:06 - 00:10]
This is the second in a series of programs examining China's heritage in the present day
[00:10 - 00:15]
situation. The programs are based on the University of Chicago Center for Policy
[00:15 - 00:20]
Studies today a special briefing in May for 36 editors and editorial writers.
[00:20 - 00:25]
This meeting the final event the center's year long study of China was held with the
[00:25 - 00:30]
support of the Johnson Foundation over a scene in Wisconsin. Today. Tang
[00:30 - 00:35]
Seoul professor of political science at the University of Chicago discusses political
[00:35 - 00:40]
development within China and especially the Cultural Revolution at this
[00:40 - 00:44]
school I have self confession to make self-criticism so to speak.
[00:44 - 00:52]
First of all because the Cultural Revolution has make has made and most
[00:52 - 00:56]
of the scholars particularly myself in the field of
[00:56 - 01:01]
contemporary China revisionist. In a very special
[01:01 - 01:06]
sense. Now this is a most of us have found it necessary to
[01:06 - 01:10]
revise some of our understanding of Chinese
[01:10 - 01:16]
Communist politics. We have heard
[01:16 - 01:22]
maybe been correct in focusing certain very general trends.
[01:22 - 01:27]
But. That the Cultural Revolution has force of I and many of our
[01:27 - 01:32]
short term expectations. We had expected that the
[01:32 - 01:36]
first generation of the Chinese Communist leader and that is to say a long
[01:36 - 01:41]
march generation to remain united. And we had expected to become its
[01:41 - 01:46]
leader. Could a boy be a cataclysmic struggle for succession.
[01:46 - 01:51]
And we had thought that China was the exception to the general rule that a
[01:51 - 01:55]
revolution always devolves its children. And that
[01:55 - 02:00]
thank you and like to solve it. And like Stalinist Russia in the 30s
[02:00 - 02:08]
the leaders in China would not destroy the party organization.
[02:08 - 02:13]
That. Well the expectation has been falsified and we
[02:13 - 02:17]
have more than ever are conscious of the fact. That NIDA our
[02:17 - 02:22]
theoretical knowledge in the social sciences and not a data available at
[02:22 - 02:27]
the present time enabled us to forecast political developments
[02:27 - 02:32]
in China with any assurance. And some of
[02:32 - 02:37]
us has begun our search for an explanation of the reason a political
[02:37 - 02:41]
upheaval. Some of my other colleagues have taken. Another
[02:41 - 02:46]
look at the history of the CCP so s to discover
[02:46 - 02:51]
d people Rhodes of these goggle between Mao
[02:51 - 02:56]
mounted and you shouting. And professor has written a Explain
[02:56 - 03:01]
we ordered you know paper on the subject.
[03:01 - 03:06]
So I was in played. Here limited myself to
[03:06 - 03:11]
giving a broad general framework in order to pay for the way for
[03:11 - 03:13]
Professor Lewis.
[03:13 - 03:18]
The tough articulate smart person to give you the Sunday at the dee dee dee dee dee
[03:18 - 03:23]
punch. Let me begin with some very obvious
[03:23 - 03:28]
porn's. The Cultural Revolution represents a profound
[03:28 - 03:33]
crisis in the Chinese political system. Well
[03:33 - 03:38]
in an attempt to restore his control over the party
[03:38 - 03:42]
and over the country mile have destroyed many of the long standing tradition
[03:42 - 03:47]
of the party. He reorganized the political bureau
[03:47 - 03:51]
under him very dubious circumstances.
[03:51 - 03:56]
He used the army in the red God as His instrument to attack destroy
[03:56 - 04:00]
or paralyze many party units in communities at various
[04:00 - 04:05]
levels. In effect.
[04:05 - 04:10]
In effect the leaders of the party as Bentley disrupted
[04:10 - 04:15]
if not destroyed the party organization. Now why did the
[04:15 - 04:21]
unity of the party and organization breakdown.
[04:21 - 04:25]
I have in my pay but given a long survey of the
[04:25 - 04:32]
general interpretation of 20th century Chinese history which explain
[04:32 - 04:37]
how this unity was asked the British and spend them. And then the question that
[04:37 - 04:42]
we now ask and this is also partly in my in my paper I ask
[04:42 - 04:46]
why this. Unity has broken down.
[04:46 - 04:53]
Why did the model loose much of his control over the party organization.
[04:53 - 04:57]
I let me over use two very simple explanations. One
[04:57 - 05:02]
is that the domestic and foreign policies of Mali was
[05:02 - 05:07]
intimately related to his thoughts. And ideas so call sort of most
[05:07 - 05:11]
of them. It has pushed my ideas almost to the
[05:11 - 05:13]
extreme.
[05:13 - 05:18]
First it is permeated by the ideas of conflict and
[05:18 - 05:23]
struggle and come back. For example Mao as early as 1940
[05:23 - 05:28]
none of it suggested that the whole period of transition
[05:28 - 05:33]
to socialist society there exist club class struggle
[05:33 - 05:37]
between depilatory it and the capitalists and then
[05:37 - 05:43]
in late late late late he has come stressed. That
[05:43 - 05:47]
this is the major contradiction in Chinese
[05:47 - 05:52]
society. And secondly inherent in
[05:52 - 05:57]
a mouse thought there is a tendency toward the polar ice ation
[05:57 - 06:03]
that is to say either you crushed me or I crush you. And there is
[06:03 - 06:08]
no middle rule that this is his general view in
[06:08 - 06:09]
strategy and tactics.
[06:09 - 06:12]
Things do not work out so clearly.
[06:12 - 06:21]
Most sought to stress the centrality of already does it decisive role
[06:21 - 06:26]
of the human effort. And human habits and
[06:26 - 06:31]
personal sacrifice in the success of O undertakings. And
[06:31 - 06:32]
both justified.
[06:32 - 06:37]
People are a solution of all the fears of social love.
[06:37 - 06:42]
And finally it emphasizes the importance of ideas over material
[06:42 - 06:44]
conditions.
[06:44 - 06:49]
Now these ideas of these good touristic of Mao
[06:49 - 06:53]
thought his.
[06:53 - 06:57]
Influence have led to the development of a Mado
[06:57 - 07:03]
policy of political economic development which is
[07:03 - 07:08]
quite distinctive in Mao's mind.
[07:08 - 07:10]
Which I'm not completely sure of by
[07:10 - 07:17]
more pragmatic bureaucrats and party leaders.
[07:17 - 07:27]
These could to restate what the Iraq oil of
[07:27 - 07:31]
deflating of a gorilla will and was kind of grew in with the reality
[07:31 - 07:34]
at that particular time.
[07:34 - 07:38]
But they no longer suit the needs of a modernizing industrializing
[07:38 - 07:43]
society. And they do not reflect the aspiration of
[07:43 - 07:48]
the people for stability which in a sation recent relaxation of
[07:48 - 07:53]
tension. If they don't want it there is there has
[07:53 - 07:57]
been a general tendency toward a radicalizing shame. Indeed
[07:57 - 08:02]
see CPS program as in Sydney establishments of the
[08:02 - 08:06]
regime. Now many of us like to use the
[08:06 - 08:12]
terms as get it of our own and say that Ma is now trying to
[08:12 - 08:15]
recapture the spirit of God.
[08:15 - 08:20]
But this is not quite exact because the spirit of an audience really is spirit
[08:20 - 08:25]
of moderation I mean in many respects.
[08:25 - 08:29]
Whereas the spirit of Peking. Particularly since the year
[08:29 - 08:34]
in the years between one thousand fifty seven and nine thousand fifty nine there has
[08:34 - 08:39]
been the spirit of radicalism. So Chinese development the
[08:39 - 08:44]
Chinese political developments is 900. Fifty
[08:44 - 08:49]
nine hundred forty nine. A can be viewed as a serious of psychos
[08:49 - 08:55]
and each of the major movement on a cycle at the lead before movement
[08:55 - 09:00]
from a psycho to a cooperative by station and the Great Leap
[09:00 - 09:04]
Forward To commune system and form a cycle and the great
[09:04 - 09:10]
cultural revolution may turn out to be another cycle. But each
[09:10 - 09:14]
cycle in each cycle the Chinese companies have
[09:14 - 09:20]
adopted a more radical policy in many respects.
[09:20 - 09:24]
And there is evidence to believe that it was Mao who himself
[09:24 - 09:29]
initiated advocated and pushed through various medical
[09:29 - 09:34]
programs and he has the move to force prime motive force
[09:34 - 09:39]
pushing launching of the movement and then when his movement
[09:39 - 09:44]
came into difficulty came into trouble it was the more pragmatic
[09:44 - 09:48]
leaders who tried to own it.
[09:48 - 09:55]
After I put it this is very clear
[09:55 - 10:01]
in so far as the Great Leap Forward and the coming systems. Yes
[10:01 - 10:06]
definition of commie system is concerned. And it was the
[10:06 - 10:10]
party organization and party bit of bread who so wish the economy by a
[10:10 - 10:16]
series of compromises. We create and kinetic program.
[10:16 - 10:21]
And didn't disappear from 1959 to 1962. Mark had lost much of his
[10:21 - 10:26]
control over the events over events and policies.
[10:26 - 10:32]
Cortin is that his. Policy and his sort in
[10:32 - 10:37]
some heroes were discredited and were criticised by India
[10:37 - 10:42]
in direction and by historical analogy in the writings of many
[10:42 - 10:46]
intellectuals inside and outside the party or in private.
[10:46 - 10:55]
Another explanation for love mounds loss of effective control was the process of
[10:55 - 11:00]
bureaucratic bureaucratized sation of the party which had
[11:00 - 11:05]
begun even during the revolutionary period. And after the
[11:05 - 11:10]
establishments of the redeemed us process was celebrated
[11:10 - 11:15]
and accompanied by a process of Britain I say show. The routine
[11:15 - 11:20]
arising in bureaucratic organization became so large. And its
[11:20 - 11:25]
tasks so numerous it became quite difficult for the leader
[11:25 - 11:28]
to control.
[11:28 - 11:33]
Food or more deep political development. Up to a revolutionary movement
[11:33 - 11:39]
came to Pearl usually in war. The loss of the
[11:39 - 11:43]
political influence of the charismatic leader
[11:43 - 11:48]
because the routine day to day operations of the government occupy an
[11:48 - 11:53]
increasingly a problem with him plays in the well of the party.
[11:53 - 11:57]
And then although. There are not as many major
[11:57 - 12:03]
strategic political decisions to me and less need to
[12:03 - 12:07]
for a cause or a leader's current charisma etic leaders
[12:07 - 12:12]
appeal to the masses. Then
[12:12 - 12:18]
Moll generally allowed Dunn and others to run the party organization.
[12:18 - 12:23]
Now did he kind of Mao's political status is reflected in the party constitution of
[12:23 - 12:28]
1956 which no longer mentioned the thought
[12:28 - 12:33]
of Mao as the guy that you see in Thai work of the Bear
[12:33 - 12:34]
party.
[12:34 - 12:41]
In contrast the political pole of the organization Men increase greatly.
[12:41 - 12:44]
And they are numerous way in which the
[12:44 - 12:50]
bureaucratic organization 10 and did receive is I do wishes
[12:50 - 12:57]
of the leader.
[12:57 - 13:02]
If one organization party organization or bureaucratic organization to
[13:02 - 13:06]
function effectively it must protect the members of its inner
[13:06 - 13:11]
core. It happened at some of the people who had criticized
[13:11 - 13:17]
those policies and his support during the period of crisis.
[13:17 - 13:22]
From. 19. 30
[13:22 - 13:27]
F-15 Ninan one hundred sixty two now occupy pretty important places
[13:27 - 13:33]
in the party and government organizations.
[13:33 - 13:37]
It is I think the attempt of pumpkin. And the
[13:37 - 13:43]
looting in August to protect these distances and it was Palmer
[13:43 - 13:48]
primarily responsible for their downfall. At this is
[13:48 - 13:53]
to me this is one of the causes for the disgrace of news Archie and
[13:53 - 13:58]
so it was the endeavor to protect the
[13:58 - 14:03]
integrity of the whole party organization and the position of
[14:03 - 14:07]
as many of the top media up as possible.
[14:07 - 14:12]
As soon as wellmost approach that you had a whole problem of
[14:12 - 14:18]
economic development and new and unusual
[14:18 - 14:22]
GI's approach a quite different and disciplined John
[14:22 - 14:23]
Professor Lewis would.
[14:23 - 14:27]
Talk about.
[14:27 - 14:32]
Now in my people I have divided the culture revolution into several
[14:32 - 14:37]
stages. So I need not repeat
[14:37 - 14:42]
this. Well what it what I want to finally point out here is
[14:42 - 14:47]
that we have no evidence to believe the
[14:47 - 14:51]
Lewin done new show T and M Tropi make them x m m f
[14:51 - 14:56]
or a to preserve the party organization and to control
[14:56 - 15:01]
the Cultural Revolution in the period between June 1st and
[15:01 - 15:06]
July 18 19 66 when
[15:06 - 15:11]
Mao was not in Peking. They said
[15:11 - 15:16]
work to him to get his departments units universities to guide a cultural
[15:16 - 15:20]
revolution. When the so called revolutionary teachers
[15:20 - 15:26]
and students put up real posters to attack the responsible
[15:26 - 15:30]
party. A car grease. Party leaders. Now want to
[15:30 - 15:35]
want to end it with teams that emphasize the importance of party
[15:35 - 15:40]
discipline. And condemned take by the masses as
[15:40 - 15:45]
come to revolutionary activities. And they drew a
[15:45 - 15:50]
distinction Suppe the sharp distinction between what is inside the body what is outside the
[15:50 - 15:55]
party and this is one of the charge brought against you.
[15:55 - 15:59]
And they emphasize and you also look at some point maybe here maybe later
[15:59 - 16:04]
emphasize a piece within the party as opposed to
[16:04 - 16:09]
a Mao's view that destruct or to light must be fought
[16:09 - 16:14]
out everywhere including the party itself.
[16:14 - 16:23]
No in this effort they are of course a clash with the teams
[16:23 - 16:28]
with the revolutionary teachers and the students direct
[16:28 - 16:33]
so-called Red Gods. And the Maoists have since charged that the rep
[16:33 - 16:37]
teams created a reign of terror. One of
[16:37 - 16:42]
Hindu good teams also found it necessary to condemn some of
[16:42 - 16:47]
the card race in order to satisfy Mo and demolishes. So
[16:47 - 16:53]
during this period an overwhelming majority of the card race were attacked.
[16:53 - 16:57]
And persecuted either but it worked team were about him
[16:57 - 17:02]
hours. Now for example the official organs I
[17:02 - 17:06]
recently reported in one university in Shanghai 80 to 90
[17:06 - 17:11]
percent of the countries have been attacked or persecuted at the chin
[17:11 - 17:16]
while universities 70 percent of. Out of 500 or more
[17:16 - 17:21]
countries would require to reform through labor. And those exempted
[17:21 - 17:25]
were made most Lady elderly or into hell and many of the
[17:25 - 17:30]
countries were publicly bitten by leather and whip just as
[17:30 - 17:36]
common as official. Publications. And after
[17:36 - 17:40]
mile return to begin the work team were withdrawn. And the 11
[17:40 - 17:45]
planet almost Gore. What I believe to be a crucial victory. And
[17:45 - 17:52]
after that Lou and down were completely on the defensive.
[17:52 - 17:57]
End in August and September the Red Guards run riot and this
[17:57 - 18:00]
is it.
[18:00 - 18:05]
You've got a period of what may be called the Red got Tara.
[18:05 - 18:10]
Well let me jump then to the last dipped to the
[18:10 - 18:15]
present time now in March this year. Mahler suspended to see if
[18:15 - 18:20]
you're a power. At the new rule area at the production
[18:20 - 18:25]
brigade and team level. And shortly afterwards
[18:25 - 18:30]
well demolished focused a tect on new himself.
[18:30 - 18:35]
And this attack against you is link
[18:35 - 18:41]
to the attack on party officials in various departments and
[18:41 - 18:44]
institutions and locality babied.
[18:44 - 18:49]
Perhaps the thought behind this strategy is simply that by discrediting
[18:49 - 18:53]
te top leader they could then reorganize
[18:53 - 18:58]
purge the party in various units. Well let me indulge
[18:58 - 19:03]
really briefly in some speculation about the past and the future of the Cultural
[19:03 - 19:08]
Revolution. The present general situation is generally does
[19:08 - 19:13]
gripe as a stalemate. But it is important to know that this
[19:13 - 19:18]
stalemate has been reached. After Mao had score many important
[19:18 - 19:22]
victories. Go through deep cultural revolutionary
[19:22 - 19:27]
through the culture cultural revolutionary group in the Central
[19:27 - 19:31]
Committee. He has now a fairly effective control over their
[19:31 - 19:38]
propaganda operators. The cultural and educational institutions.
[19:38 - 19:41]
Many if not most of the Army unit remained
[19:41 - 19:47]
under his control through Linville.
[19:47 - 19:51]
Order We just know the division of power the
[19:51 - 19:56]
balance of force within the army itself. In Prague four
[19:56 - 20:01]
provinces and two municipalities revolutionary
[20:01 - 20:04]
committees were as the British.
[20:04 - 20:09]
And formally recognized formally recognized by
[20:09 - 20:11]
Peking.
[20:11 - 20:16]
Recently the presence of the commander of the Tibet
[20:16 - 20:20]
military region in Peking on May Day cell of
[20:20 - 20:25]
ceremonies implies that an accommodation has been reached
[20:25 - 20:30]
between to Tibet and people. It
[20:30 - 20:36]
seems to me that.
[20:36 - 20:40]
At least in contrast to a year ago when deep
[20:40 - 20:45]
culture of Lucian stop mouse position is certainly a strong El
[20:45 - 20:50]
Gordo de resistance the opposition that has created is
[20:50 - 20:55]
also very strong. Now it seems to me to
[20:55 - 21:01]
from the very beginning Mao has been in control of the Cultural Revolution.
[21:01 - 21:06]
Now why do you launched the attack when the party organization.
[21:06 - 21:11]
That he also is a slice is a restraining influence on some of his more
[21:11 - 21:16]
extreme supporters and followers. My feeling is
[21:16 - 21:21]
that this is very tentative that junking that is
[21:21 - 21:25]
his wife and assumes to have stood
[21:25 - 21:30]
consistently on the extreme left. Well I
[21:30 - 21:35]
mean Bell and Ami appears to be more moderate then deep
[21:35 - 21:39]
cultural revolutionary group in the Central Committee.
[21:39 - 21:46]
When we think you're history go against the opposition is most IMs to have
[21:46 - 21:51]
set two limits to his action. And adopted a very flexible
[21:51 - 21:55]
strategy in the light of the resistance and counter and the rebel a
[21:55 - 22:00]
developing situation. These two limits have been
[22:00 - 22:06]
won an open civil war. Second serious disruption of the
[22:06 - 22:12]
economy. Whenever he approves these two limits he would.
[22:12 - 22:15]
Stall the retreat. Wait what ship.
[22:15 - 22:19]
His targets of attack. He is essentially waging what I
[22:19 - 22:24]
call a protracted a protracted political guerrilla war
[22:24 - 22:29]
against his opponents so that in the long run he and his chosen
[22:29 - 22:34]
successor this would gain a total control. Now with
[22:34 - 22:39]
Amal could achieve this aim within these two limits or not. Is
[22:39 - 22:44]
India. It remains to be seen. At the present moment he is
[22:44 - 22:49]
consolidating his gains and continue to push.
[22:49 - 22:54]
Slowly toward his girls. And he will make another advance that
[22:54 - 22:58]
had a puttin it up or two in time. But now this interpretation does
[22:58 - 23:04]
not mean that he had from the very beginning a blueprint of a cultural revolution.
[23:04 - 23:09]
And then his strategy gradually and Brill. On the
[23:09 - 23:14]
contrary it implies that he probably did not foresee he did not
[23:14 - 23:18]
foresee the serious resistance and difficulties he would
[23:18 - 23:23]
encounter. But he has been flexible enough to adopt new
[23:23 - 23:28]
strategies new tactics as the situation and food.
[23:28 - 23:32]
Now if one assumes that the triple combination which I discuss
[23:32 - 23:38]
in the evening paper will become the patent to be followed by the
[23:38 - 23:42]
Maoists when they seize power in one color today
[23:42 - 23:45]
or I wonder unit after another.
[23:45 - 23:50]
What would be its political implication. Of first. The
[23:50 - 23:55]
army will have greater will that will have the great political power.
[23:55 - 24:00]
But. It will still remain in the background.
[24:00 - 24:04]
In the culture or in the revolutionary committees as their peers. So
[24:04 - 24:09]
far the number of army officers is very small.
[24:09 - 24:15]
Second day to day operation at the various
[24:15 - 24:20]
localities and units will be undertaken by so-called
[24:20 - 24:25]
revolutionary cuddliest a term which I defined in the paper indicum it
[24:25 - 24:29]
is you who alone have the nest necessary
[24:29 - 24:34]
experience afforded jar. And thirdly in.
[24:34 - 24:39]
In accordance with Mao's formula. Of.
[24:39 - 24:44]
Uniting with ninety five percent of the card race.
[24:44 - 24:48]
And one should not expect privileges on a very large scale.
[24:48 - 24:53]
But many of the top leaders probably the most
[24:53 - 24:58]
important most powerful top leaders of the various units will be
[24:58 - 25:02]
replaced and that will be many promotions demotions
[25:02 - 25:08]
and be Rosell a power position in all units.
[25:08 - 25:13]
In force in distribution re committees. The representatives
[25:13 - 25:17]
of the so-called revolutionary masses. It is the Red Guards the
[25:17 - 25:22]
revolutionary rebels who distinguish themselves in the Cultural Revolution
[25:22 - 25:28]
as seem to be in the majority.
[25:28 - 25:33]
Now regards. THIS HOUR. Consisted of
[25:33 - 25:38]
me of children our passes workers soldiers Revolutionary
[25:38 - 25:42]
Guard raised in the in in other words lower classes. And these people
[25:42 - 25:46]
represent in so vast they reached the level of the
[25:46 - 25:52]
revolutionary committee at various in various units represent remarkable
[25:52 - 25:57]
cases of social mobility. That they and their middle age
[25:57 - 26:02]
colleagues from a strange group. Because they have
[26:02 - 26:07]
very little in common except their allegiance to Mao and
[26:07 - 26:12]
come in a position to end time hours. How could they work together
[26:12 - 26:16]
remain a problem. And how long these provisional organs of
[26:16 - 26:21]
power would be allowed to function
[26:21 - 26:26]
is and also another point and fun of Indian
[26:26 - 26:27]
government.
[26:27 - 26:32]
The discipline in the government and in the party it will not be easy to be as deprivation
[26:32 - 26:37]
and maintain that the official news will be it will
[26:37 - 26:43]
entertain a. Greater fear of the
[26:43 - 26:47]
vessel's off the masses. And that was how
[26:47 - 26:53]
he how the Cultural Revolution would affect policy. We
[26:53 - 26:54]
don't know.
[26:54 - 26:59]
The Maoist charge that the opposition is abrogate
[26:59 - 27:08]
the internal row internally. The policy of.
[27:08 - 27:12]
Extending private plots and larger extension of
[27:12 - 27:16]
private the free market is
[27:16 - 27:22]
increasing in number of small enterprises.
[27:22 - 27:27]
And assigning of an and and yes Simon up production
[27:27 - 27:32]
quota down to the household down to the individual
[27:32 - 27:35]
household externally. They were
[27:35 - 27:41]
educated reconciliation with the division is just and with the imperialist with the
[27:41 - 27:46]
revisionists and with the reactionaries
[27:46 - 27:52]
and the reduction of aid to a national liberation movement.
[27:52 - 27:57]
Everywhere. Now it was seemed at what
[27:57 - 28:00]
mall it would try to do is simply to.
[28:00 - 28:07]
And the field of development in this direction.
[28:07 - 28:11]
Would be the policy would drastically change or not remain uncertain
[28:11 - 28:16]
and may very well be when the Maoist and Mao we
[28:16 - 28:21]
being controlled confronted with reality they would again
[28:21 - 28:26]
simply continue the policy as a DE existed before the
[28:26 - 28:31]
revolution or so even some
[28:31 - 28:36]
of the policies advocated by the news. But
[28:36 - 28:41]
in any case a mole on the one
[28:41 - 28:43]
hand and knew on the other and
[28:43 - 28:49]
many others represent a somehow different
[28:49 - 28:56]
political and economic development of China which Professor John Lewis would bring
[28:56 - 29:01]
out and in the long run I feel that the problems
[29:01 - 29:05]
on which Mao sought to eliminate all reason
[29:05 - 29:08]
will emerge again.
[29:08 - 29:13]
You have just heard Professor Tang so at the University of Chicago discussing China's
[29:13 - 29:18]
political development and the Cultural Revolution. This program was based on a
[29:18 - 29:23]
special conference held by the University of Chicago Center for Policy Study with the
[29:23 - 29:28]
support of the Johnson Foundation of race in Wisconsin. The next program in the series will
[29:28 - 29:33]
be devoted to the Cultural Revolution. The speaker will be John Wilson the was
[29:33 - 29:38]
this program was produced for radio by the University of Chicago. This is the national
[29:38 - 29:40]
educational radio network.
🔍
This program has been transcribed using automated software tools, made possible through a collaboration between the American Archive of Public Broadcasting and Pop Up Archive. Please note that no automated transcription is perfect nor is it intended to replace human transcription labor. If you would like to contribute corrections to this transcript, please contact MITH at mith@umd.edu.